what a true love

what a true love
Tampilkan postingan dengan label Linguistics. Tampilkan semua postingan
Tampilkan postingan dengan label Linguistics. Tampilkan semua postingan

Rabu, 22 Desember 2010

What is basic linguistic theory?

 
The expression "basic linguistic theory" (following R. M. W. Dixon) refers to the theoretical framework that is most widely employed in language description, particularly grammatical descriptions of entire languages. It is also the framework assumed by most work in linguistic typology. The status of basic linguistic theory as a theoretical framework is not often recognized. People using basic linguistic theory often characterize their work as atheoretical or theory-neutral or theoretically eclectic. However, there is really no such thing as atheoretical or theory-neutral description, since one cannot describe anything without making some theoretical assumptions. The extent to which most descriptive work shares the same theoretical assumptions is actually rather striking, especially when one considers how much such work has in common in its assumptions compared to other theoretical frameworks. It is probably the most widely used and best known theoretical framework in the field, especially outside the United States. It is particularly popular among linguists who are more interested in languages than in language. Many linguists who are adherents of other theoretical frameworks assume it as a point of departure, as a framework they wish to improve on.
Unlike many theoretical frameworks in linguistics, which are often ephemeral and pass quickly into obsolescence, basic linguistic theory is a cumulative framework that has slowly developed over the past century as linguists have learned how to describe languages better. It is grounded in traditional grammar and can be seen as having evolved out of traditional grammar. It has also been heavily influenced by pre-generative structuralist traditions, particularly in emphasizing the need to describe each language in its own terms, rather than imposing on individual languages concepts whose primary motivation comes from other languages, in contrast to traditional grammar and many recent theoretical frameworks. It has taken analytic techniques from structuralist traditions, particularly in the areas of phonology and morphology. But it also contrasts with work that is more purely structuralist in attempting to describe languages in a more user-friendly fashion, in including semantic considerations in its analyses, and in employing terminology that has been used for similar phenomena in other languages.
Basic linguistic theory has also been influenced to a certain extent by generative grammar, though the influence has primarily been from early generative grammar (before 1970) and is often indirect. The influence largely reflects the fact that early generative grammar examined many aspects of the syntax of English in great detail, and the insights of that research have influenced how basic linguistic theory looks at the syntax of other languages, especially in terms of how one can argue for particular analyses. The influence of generative grammar can be seen in the way that certain constructions in other languages are identified and characterized in ways reminiscent of constructions in English, from cleft constructions to "topicalizations" to reflexive constructions. More recent work in generative grammar, especially Government-Binding Theory, has had essentially no impact on basic linguistic theory.
In the past 30 years, the primary influence on basic linguistic theory has come from work in linguistic typology. This influence has come primarily from the recognition of recurrent sorts of phenomena crosslinguistically and basic linguistic theory has incorporated many substantive concepts discussed in the typological literature. This includes such notions as split intransitivity, antipassive constructions, internally-headed relative clauses, switch reference, and head-marking. Work in typology has also influenced the way linguists describing languages think about such things as ergativity and relative clauses.
Basic linguistic theory differs from many other theoretical frameworks in that it is not a formal theory but an INformal theory. That is, many grammatical phenomena can generally be characterized with sufficient precision in English (or some other natural language), without the use of formalism.
The above discussion focuses on the morphosyntactic side of basic linguistic theory (or what one might call "basic syntactic theory"), but one can also trace the historical influences on phonology in basic linguistic theory. The concept of the phoneme is probably the most central phonological concept in basic linguistic theory: identifying the phonemes in a language remains the most fundamental task in describing the phonology of a language. But generative phonology has also influenced basic linguistic theory: language descriptions often find the generative notion of phonological rule useful, and the descriptive tools of more recent phonological theories, especially autosegmental phonology, have proven useful for descriptive linguists.
 from http://linguistics.buffalo.edu/people/faculty/dryer/dryer/blt

Evolutionary Game Theory and Linguistic Typology: a Case Study

Evolutionary Game Theory and Linguistic
Typology: a Case Study
Gerhard J¨ager
Abstract
The paper deals with the typology of the case marking of semantic core roles.
The competing economy considerations of hearer (disambiguation) and speaker
(minimal effort) are formalized in terms of evolutionary game theory. It will be
shown that the case marking patterns that are attested in the languages of the
world are those that are evolutionary stable for different relative weightings of
speaker economy and hearer economy, given the statistical patterns of language
use that were extracted from corpora of naturally occurring conversations.
1 The frequencies of clause types

Consider all (logically) possible case marking types that only use case splits
induced by the contrast between pronouns and full NPs. I will restrict attention
to possible grammars where the morphological form of the intransitive
subject (nominative/absolutive) is less complex than ergative and accusative
(if present). Which language types are functional and which aren’t? The main
function of case marking is of course to disambiguate, i.e. to enable the hearer
to identify the semantic role of the denotation of an NP. More particular, case
should uniquely identify the argument roles “A” (agent, i.e. the transitive subject)
and “O” (the direct object). We can assume without loss of generality
that the hearer always interprets an ergative morpheme as A if there is one,
and likewise an accusative morpheme as O, so ambiguity can safely be avoided
if at least one NP per clause is case marked. For the sake of brevity, I will
denote case marking patterns from now on as a quadruple of case forms, in
the order: case of 1. pronominal agents, 2. non-pronominal agents, 3. pronominal
objects, and 4. non-pronominal objects. Ergative marking is abbreviated as
“e”, accusative as “a”, and zero marking (i.e. nominative/absolutive) as “z”.
For instance, a language like English where only pronominal objects are case
marked would thus follow the pattern zzaz, while a language like Basque with
obligatory ergative marking of all agents is eezz.
Ambiguity will only arise if a grammar admits clause types without any
case marking. However, this need not lead to ambiguity if one of the two unmarked
arguments is prominent and the other isn’t. Then the hearer may em-
Institute for Linguistics, University of Potsdam, e-mail: jaeger@ling.uni-potsdam.de
ploy a default rule to the effect that in such a case the more prominent NP is A
(or vice versa). This taken into account, the speaker strategies zeaz and ezza
also avoid ambiguity in the sense that there is a corresponding hearer strategy
that always correctly identifies semantic roles. One might assume that word order
is a good predictor of syntactic roles too, but even in languages with fixed
word order there may occur elliptical expressions which are, without the aid of
case morphology, ambiguous. Let us assume that disambiguation is the main
priority of the speaker, but he has the secondary priority to use as few case
morphemes as possible. It depends on the relative frequencies of clause types
which patterns minimize the average number of case morphemes per clause. We
only have to consider four clause types – both A and O may be p (pronominal)
or n (non-pronominal). The percentages in figure 1 are extracted from Geoffrey
Sampson’s CHRISTINE corpus of spoken English, and I took pronouns to be
prominent and full NPs to be non-prominent. The set of all clauses comprising
a subject and a direct object amount to 100%.
O/p O/n
A/p 19.70% 71.24%
A/n 1.59% 7.46%
Figure 1: clause
type frequencies
I will refer to the four cells of this table with
pairs pp, pn, np, and nn, where the first element
gives the specification of A and the second of O. The
concrete figures of course depend on the corpus under
investigation and the choice of the prominence
split. However, for the results reported below, the
only thing that matters is that pn > np, and this
inequality robustly holds for all corpora (including
both spoken and written corpora in English, German and Swedish) I investigated
and for all split points along the definiteness hierarchy or the animacy (to
the degree that the corpora investigated were annotated for animacy) hierarchy.
2 Game Theory
Game Theory is well-suited to make the possibly conflicting priorities of speakers
and hearers more precise. Let us assume that a fixed set of meanings M
and forms F is given. A speaker strategy is any function S from M to F, i.e.
a production grammar. Likewise, a hearer strategy is a comprehension grammar,
i.e. a function from F to M. In an utterance situation, the speaker has to
decide what to say and how to say it. Only the latter decision is a matter of
grammar; the decision about what meaning the speaker tries to communicate
is related to other cognitive domains. Let us thus assume that in each game,
nature presents the speaker with a meaning m, and the speaker only has to
choose how to express m. Communication is successful if the hearer recovers
the intended meaning from the observed form. It is measured by the -function:
m(S,H) =
(
1 iff H(S(m)) = m
0 else
Forms differ with respect to their complexity. I take it that the complexity can
be measured numerically, i.e. cost is a function from F to the non-negative real
numbers. The speaker has two possibly conflicting interests: he wants to communicate
the meaning as accurately as possible while simultaneously minimizing
the complexity of the form used. This is captured by the following definition of
speaker utility:
us(m, S,H) = m(S,H) − k × cost(S(m))
Here k is some positive coefficient that formalizes the priorities of the speaker.
A low value for k means that communicative success is more important than
minimal effort and vice versa. The hearer tries to recover the intended meaning
as accurately as possible. So the hearer utility can be identified with the -
function:
uh(m, S,H) = m(S,H)
Nature presents meanings to the speaker according to a certain probability
distribution x. The average utilities of speaker and hearer in a game can thus
be given as
us(S,H) =
X
m
xm × ( m(S,H) − k × cost(S(m)))
uh(S,H) =
X
m
xm × m(S,H)
We are only concerned with elementary transitive clauses. So we are dealing
with two NPs. One is A and the other O, and both may be either p or n. I am
not concerned with the effect of word order or head marking on argument linking
in this paper. Therefore I take it that nature chooses the word orders A − O
and O − A with a 50% probability each, and that this choice is stochastically
independent from the specifications of the NPs as p or n. Furthermore nature
specifies which of the two NPs is A and which is O, and whether they are n
or p. This gives a total of eight meanings. x is a probability distribution over
these eight meanings. It is plausible to assume that the prominence of an NP
is always unambiguously encoded in its form. This leaves us with 36 possible
forms — each of the two NPs may be p or n, and either one may be marked with
ergative, accusative, or zero case. The cost function simply counts the number
of case morphemes per clause.
I will restrict attention to just a small subset of simple strategies. First,
word order effects are kept out of considerations. Furthermore, I take it that
the case morphology of a given NP only depends on its own prominence value
and syntactic function, not on the prominence value of the other NP. Among
these strategies, I will restrict attention to those where the two marked forms
are reserved for one syntactic role each while the unmarked form is in principle
ambiguous between A and O. This leaves us, modulo renaming of e and a, with
16 case marking patterns, eeee, eeaz, eeza, · · · , zzza, zzzz. Of these 16 strategies,
6 are strictly dominated (i.e. they are never optimal, no matter what the
hearer does), namely those that sometimes use two case morphemes per clause,
and the inverse split ergative pattern ezza.
A hearer strategy is a mapping from forms to meanings. If ergative is only
used to mark A by the speaker and accusative only for O, it would obviously
be unreasonable by the hearer to interpret the case morphemes otherwise. I
will call the hearer strategies that interpret ergative as A and accusative as O
“faithful.” There are only 16 faithful strategies. Thus only the interpretation of
clauses without case morphology is undetermined. There are four such clause
types (depending on the prominence features of the two NPs), each of which
may receive two possible interpretations. If both NPs in a form f have the
same prominence value, both interpretation strategy classes have actually the
same expected payoff because by assumption, the speaker strategies exclude
correlations between word order and meaning, and the prominence values give
no clue. So we may safely identify any pair of hearer strategies which only differ
in their interpretation of p/z−p/z or n/z−n/z. Now we are down to four hearer
strategies — they differ with respect to the meaning they assign to p/z − n/z
and n/z − p/z. I will denote these strategies as AA, AO, OA and OO, where
the first component is the interpretation of the first NP in p/z − n/z, and the
second component the interpretation of the first component of n/z − p/z.
The configuration of Nash Equilibria (NEs henceforth) depends on the
value of k. For small values of k, the split ergative pattern zeaz/AO is a strict
NE (i.e. each component strategy is the unique best response to the opponent’s
strategy). Besides, each combination of a pure ergative (eezz) or pure accusative
(zzaa) speaker strategy with any hearer strategy 6= AO is a non-strict NE. For
larger values of k, two strict NEs coexist, either differential object marking
(zzaz/AO) and inverse differential subject marking (ezzz/OA), or differential
subject marking (zezz/AO) and inverse differential object marking (zzza/OA).
Finally, for very large values of k, the system without case marking zzzz/AO
is the unique (and hence also strict) NE.
Let us take stock. Of the sixteen case marking strategies that we considered,
only eight give rise to an NE in some configuration. The eight strategies
that were excluded are in fact typologically unattested or at least very rare.
There is apparently only one language with a full-blown tripartite system, i.e.
with the strategy eeaa, namely the Australian language Wangkumara. Inverse
split ergative systems — ezza in my notation — are also very rare. It is a bit
tricky to decide whether languages of the type zeaa or the like exist. There
are several split ergative languages where the split points for ergative and accusative
differ, and where there is an overlap in the middle of the hierarchy
with a tripartite paradigm. Since the system I use here implicitly assumes that
the two split points always coincide, such languages cannot really be accommodated;
they are a mixture of eeaz, zeaa and zeaz. To my knowledge, clearcut
instances of eeaz or zeaa do not exist, and the combinations ezaa and eeza
are unattested as well. There are no languages which would have a tripartite
paradigm for all and only the prominent or all and only the non-prominent NPs.
Hence zeza and ezaz are correctly excluded. So the concept of a Nash Equilibrium
proves fairly successful in identifying possible case marking systems.
Conversely, we expect to find instances of languages with an NE pattern. This
is certainly the case for zzaz (like English), zezz (for instance the Circassian
languages Adyghe and Kabardian), zeaz (like Dyirbal), and zzzz (as in several
Bantu languages). However, the concept is still too inclusive. I know of only
one language of the types zzza and ezzz each, namely Nganasan (see [3], p. 90)
as instance of the former and (according to [1]) Wakhi of the latter. The pure
accusative systems — eezz — do exists (Hungarian is an example), but they
are also very rare. Most accusative languages have DOM, and most ergative
languages DSM. Besides, the rationalistic approach has the same conceptual
problem as any functional explanation of grammatical patterns: natural languages
are not consciously designed, and it is a priori not clear at all why we
should expect to find functionally plausible patterns.
3 Evolutionary Game Theory
In Evolutionary Game Theory (EGT), we are dealing with populations of players
that are programmed for a certain strategy. Players replicate and pass on
their strategy to their offsprings. The number of offsprings is directly related to
the average payoff of the parent strategy.
How can this model be applied to linguistics? If the strategies in the EGT
sense are identified with grammars (as done in the previous section), games
should be identified with utterances. However, grammars are not transmitted
via genetic but via cultural inheritance. Therefore, imitation dynamics is
more appropriate here than the replicator dynamics that is used in applications
of EGT to theoretical biology. According to the imitation dynamics, players are
not mortal and have no offsprings. However, every so often, a player is offered
the opportunity to pick out some other player and to change his own strategy
against the strategy of the other player. The probability that a certain strategy
is adopted for imitation is positively correlated to the gain in average utility
that is to be expected by this strategy change. So here as well as in the standard
model, successful strategies will tend to spread while unsuccessful strategies die
out. Moreover, exactly the same strategies are evolutionary stable under the
replicator dynamics and under the imitation dynamics. Several sources of mutations
are conceivable here, ranging from plain speech errors to socio-linguistic
factors like language contact. We expect that most natural language grammars
are evolutionary stable because unstable grammars do not persist. The Game
of Case that was introduced in the last section is an asymmetric game. In
a population dynamic setting, this means that we are dealing with two separate
populations. So rather than with evolutionary stable strategies, we have
to deal with evolutionary stable strategy pairs here. In multi-population dynamics,
evolutionary stability can be characterized quite easily in rationalistic
terms. Briefly put, a strategy pair is evolutionary stable iff it is a Strict Nash
Equilibrium (SNE henceforth).
Let us apply the analytical tools of EGT to the different instantiations of
the Game of Case. The NEs using a pure case marking strategy (eezz or zzaa)
are never strict and thus not evolutionary stable. The remaining 6 NEs are
strict though. Of these 6 strategy pairs, two are very rare among the languages
of the world: zzza/OA and ezzz/OA. Put differently, it is important to note
that these two “wrong” SNE each coexist with a well-attested SNE, namely
inverse differential subject marking (ezzz/OA) with differential object marking
(zzaz/AO), and inverse differential object marking zzza/OA with differential
subject marking zezz/AO. In both scenarios, the typologically attested SNE is
Pareto-optimal, i.e. it has a higher average utility than the competing SNE.
The standard approach to EGT assumes that populations are infinite.
If we assume instead that the populations are finite but large, every invasion
barrier is occasionally broken, no matter how low the mutation rate is. (With
increasing population size, the likelihood of such an incident converges towards
0.) It can be shown that the Pareto-optimal SNE always has a higher invasion
barrier than the other SNE. In a finite population, it is thus more probable to
switch to than from the Pareto-optimal SNE. In a population of finite populations,
the unique attractor state is the one where the majority of population
is in the Pareto-optimal SNE, and as the size of the single finite populations
increases, the probability of the non-Pareto-optimal SNE converges towards 0.
(See [4] for a similar explanation of the asymmetry between multiple evolutionary
stable strategies.)
To sum up, under the assumption of a population of finite but large
populations of speakers/hearers, only four strategies are evolutionary stable:
split ergativity, differential subject marking, differential object marking, and
absence of case marking. This fits the typological findings rather well. While
the majority of languages is in an evolutionary stable state, there are some exceptions.
Evolutionary Game Theory predicts that such language types should
be diachronically unstable. This is an empirically testable claim that should be
tackled in future research.
References
[1] Elena Bashir. Beyond split-ergativity: Subject marking in Wakhi. In Papers
from the 22nd regional meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society, pages 14–
35. CLS, Chicago, 1986.
[2] Barry J. Blake. Case. Cambridge University Press, 2001.
[3] R. M. W. Dixon. Ergativity. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1994.
[4] Robert van Rooy. Signaling games select Horn strategies. manuscript, University
of Amsterdam, 2002.

from http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.94.8693&rep=rep1&type=pdf

Selasa, 21 Desember 2010

Word Formation Processes in English

By Mohsen Yousefi,
MA Student of Fars Science and Research University,
Shiraz, Iran

Abstract

Mohsen Yousefi. photoOne of the distinctive properties of human language is creativity, by which we mean the ability of native speakers of a language to produce and understand new forms in their language. Even though creativity is most apparent when it comes to sentence formation, it is also manifest in our lexical knowledge, where new words are added to our mental lexicon regularly. In this paper the most comprehensive expositions of word formation processes that speakers of a language use regularly (and unconsciously too) to create new words in their language are presented.

1. Introduction

Nowadays, the terms ‘word formation’ does not have a clear cut, universally accepted usage. It is sometimes referred to all processes connected with changing the form of the word by, for example, affixation, which is a matter of morphology. In its wider sense word formation denotes the processes of creation of new lexical units. Although it seems that the difference between morphological change of a word and creation of a new term is quite easy to perceive, there is sometimes a dispute as to whether blending is still a morphological change or making a new word. There are, of course, numerous word formation processes that do not arouse any controversies and are very similar in the majority of languages.

2. Clipping

Clipping is the word formation process which consists in the reduction of a word to one of its parts (Marchand: 1969). Clippings are, also, known as "shortenings."Clipping mainly consists of the following types:
1.     Back clipping
2.     Fore-clipping
3.     Middle clipping
4.     Complex clipping
2.1 Back clipping
Back clipping or apocopation is the most common type, in which the beginning is retained. The unclipped original may be either a simple or a composite. Examples are: ad (advertisement), cable (cablegram), doc (doctor), exam (examination), gas (gasoline), math (mathematics), memo (memorandum), gym (gymnastics, gymnasium) mutt (muttonhead), pub (public house), pop (popular concert), trad (traditional jazz), fax (facsimile).
2.2. Fore-clipping
Fore-clipping or aphaeresis retains the final part. Examples are: phone (telephone), varsity (university), chute (parachute), coon (racoon), gator (alligator), pike (turnpike).
2.3. Middle clipping
In middle clipping or syncope, the middle of the word is retained. Examples are: flu (influenza), tec (detective), polly (apollinaris), jams (pyjamas), shrink (head-shrinker).
2.4. Complex clipping
Clipped forms are also used in compounds. One part of the original compound most often remains intact. Examples are: cablegram (cable telegram), op art (optical art), org-man (organization man), linocut (linoleum cut). Sometimes both halves of a compound are clipped as in navicert (navigation certificate). In these cases it is difficult to know whether the resultant formation should be treated as a clipping or as a blend, for the border between the two types is not always clear. According to Bauer (1993), the easiest way to draw the distinction is to say that those forms which retain compound stress are clipped compounds, whereas those that take simple word stress are not. By this criterion bodbiz, Chicom, Comsymp, Intelsat, midcult, pro-am, sci-fi, and sitcom are all compounds made of clippings. According to Marchand (1969), clippings are not coined as words belonging to the standard vocabulary of a language. They originate as terms of a special group like schools, army, police, the medical profession, etc., in the intimacy of a milieu where a hint is sufficient to indicate the whole. For example, in school slang originated exam, math, lab, and spec(ulation), tick(et = credit) originated in stock-exchange slang, whereas vet(eran), cap(tain), are army slang. While clipping terms of some influential groups can pass into common usage, becoming part of Standard English, clippings of a socially unimportant class or group will remain groap slang.

3. Acronymy

Acronyms and initialisms are abbreviations, such as NATO, laser, and IBM, that are formed using the initial letters of words or word parts in a phrase or name. Acronyms and initialisms are usually pronounced in a way that is distinct from that of the full forms for which they stand: as the names of the individual letters (as in IBM), as a word (as in NATO), or as a combination (as in IUPAC). Another term, alphabetism, is sometimes used to describe abbreviations pronounced as the names of letters.
Examples :
  • pronounced as a word, containing only initial letters:
    • FNMA: (Fannie Mae) Federal National Mortgage Association
    • laser: light amplification by the stimulated emission of radiation
    • NATO: North Atlantic Treaty Organisation
    • scuba: self-contained underwater breathing apparatus
  • pronounced as a word, containing non-initial letters:
    • Amphetamine: Alpha-methyl-phenethylamine
    • Gestapo: Geheime Staatspolizei ("secret state police")
    • Interpol: International Criminal Police Organization
    • radar: radio detection and ranging
  • pronounced only as the names of letters
    • BBC: British Broadcasting Corporation
    • DNA: deoxyribonucleic acid
    • LED: light-emitting diode
    • OB-GYN: obstetrics and gyn(a)ecology or obstetrician and gyn(a)ecologist
  • shortcut incorporated into name
    • 3M: (three em) originally Minnesota Mining and Manufacturing Company
    • : (e three) Electronic Entertainment Exposition
    • W3C: (double-u three cee) World Wide Web Consortium
  • recursive acronyms, in which the abbreviation itself is the expansion of one initial (particularly enjoyed by the open-source community)
    • GNU: GNU's Not Unix!
    • HURD: HIRD of Unix-Replacing Daemons, where "HIRD" stands for "HURD of Interfaces Representing Depth"
    • VISA: VISA International Service Association
    • XNA: XNA's Not Acronymed - Microsoft's new game development framework
  • pseudo-acronyms are used because, when pronounced as intended, they resemble the sounds of other words:
  • multi-layered acronyms:
    • GTK+: GIMP Tool Kit, i.e. GNU Image Manipulation Program Tool Kit, i.e. GNU's Not Unix Image Manipulation Program Tool Kit
    • GAIM: GTK+ AOL Instant Messenger, i.e. GIMP Tool Kit America OnLine Instant Messenger, i.e. GNU Image Manipulation Program Tool Kit America OnLine Instant Messenger, i.e. GNU's Not Unix Image Manipulation Program Tool Kit America OnLine Instant Messenger
    • VHDL: VHSIC Hardware Description Language, i.e. Very High Speed Integrated Circuits Hardware Description Language

4. Blending

A blend is a word formed from parts of two other words. These parts are sometimes, but not always, morphemes.
A blend is different from a portmanteau word in that a portmanteau refers strictly to a blending of two function words, similar to a contraction.
4.1. Formation of blendings
Most blends are formed by one of the following methods:
1.     The beginning of one word is added to the end of the other. For example, brunch is a blend of breakfast and lunch. This is the most common method of blending.
2.     The beginnings of two words are combined. For example, cyborg is a blend of cybernetic and organism.
3.     One complete word is combined with part of another word. For example, guesstimate is a blend of guess and estimate.
4.     Two words are blended around a common sequence of sounds. For example, the word Californication, from a song by the Red Hot Chili Peppers, is a blend of California and fornication.
5.     Multiple sounds from two component words are blended, while mostly preserving the sounds' order. Poet Lewis Carroll was well known for these kinds of blends. An example of this is the word slithy, a blend of lithe and slimy. This method is difficult to achieve and is considered a sign of Carroll's verbal wit.
When two words are combined in their entirety, the result is considered a compound word rather than a blend. For example, bagpipe is a compound, not a blend,

5. Back-formation

Back-formation refers to the process of creating a new lexeme (less precisely, a new "word") by removing actual or supposed affixes. The resulting neologism is called a back-formation. Back-formations are shortened words created from longer words, thus back-formations may be viewed as a sub-type of clipping.
For example, the noun resurrection was borrowed from Latin, and the verb resurrect was then backformed hundreds of years later from it by removing the -ion suffix. This segmentation of resurrection into resurrect + ion was possible because English had many examples of Latinate words that had verb and verb+-ion pairs — in these pairs the -ion suffix is added to verb forms in order to create nouns (such as, insert/insertion, project/projection, etc.).
Back formation may be similar to the reanalyses of folk etymologies when it rests on an erroneous understanding of the morphology of the longer word. For example, the singular noun asset is a back-formation from the plural assets. However, assets is originally not a plural; it is a loan-word from Anglo-Norman asetz (modern French assez). The -s was reanalyzed as a plural suffix.
5.1. Back-formation in the English language
Many words came into English by this route: Pease was once a mass noun but was reinterpreted as a plural, leading to the back-formation pea. The noun statistic was likewise a back-formation from the field of study statistics. In Britain the verb burgle came into use in the 19th century as a back-formation from burglar (which can be compared to the North America verb burglarize formed by suffixation).
Even though many English words are formed this way, new coinages may sound strange, and are often used for humorous effect. For example, gruntled or pervious (from disgruntled and impervious) would be considered mistakes today, and used only in humorous contexts. The comedian George Gobel regularly used original back-formations in his humorous monologues. Bill Bryson mused that the English language would be richer if we could call a tidy-haired person shevelled - as an opposite to dishevelled.
Frequently back-formations begin in colloquial use and only gradually become accepted. For example, enthuse (from enthusiasm) is gaining popularity, though it is still considered substandard by some today.
The immense celebrations in Britain at the news of the relief of the Siege of Mafeking briefly created the verb to maffick, meaning to celebrate both extravagantly and publicly. "Maffick" was a back-formation from Mafeking, a place-name that was treated humorously as a gerund or participle.

6. Derivation

Derivation is used to form new words, as with happi-ness and un-happy from happy, or determination from determine. A contrast is intended with the process of inflection, which uses another kind of affix in order to form variants of the same word, as with determine/determine-s/determin-ing/determin-ed.
A derivational suffix usually applies to words of one syntactic category and changes them into words of another syntactic category. For example, the English derivational suffix -ly changes adjectives into adverbs (slowslowly).
Some examples of English derivational suffixes:
  • adjective-to-noun: -ness (slowslowness)
  • adjective-to-verb: -ize (modernmodernize)
  • noun-to-adjective: -al (recreationrecreational)
  • noun-to-verb: -fy (gloryglorify)
  • verb-to-adjective: -able (drinkdrinkable)
  • verb-to-noun: -ance (deliverdeliverance)
Although derivational affixes do not necessarily modify the syntactic category, they modify the meaning of the base. In many cases, derivational affixes change both the syntactic category and the meaning: modernmodernize ("to make modern"). The modification of meaning is sometimes predictable: Adjective + nessthe state of being (Adjective); (stupidstupidness).
A prefix (writere-write; lordover-lord) will rarely change syntactic category in English. The derivational prefix un- applies to adjectives (healthyunhealthy), some verbs (doundo), but rarely nouns. A few exceptions are the prefixes en- and be-. En- (em- before labials) is usually used as a transitive marker on verbs, but can also be applied to adjectives and nouns to form transitive verb: circle (verb) → encircle (verb); but rich (adj) → enrich (verb), large (adj) → enlarge (verb), rapture (noun) → enrapture (verb), slave (noun) → enslave (verb). The prefix be-, though not as productive as it once was in English, can function in a similar way to en- to mark transitivity, but can also be attached to nouns, often in a causative or privative sense: siege (noun) → besiege (verb), jewel (noun) → bejewel (verb), head (noun) → behead (verb).
Note that derivational affixes are bound morphemes. In that, derivation differs from compounding, by which free morphemes are combined (lawsuit, Latin professor). It also differs from inflection in that inflection does not change a word's syntactic category and creates not new lexemes but new word forms (tabletables; openopened).
Derivation may occur without any change of form, for example telephone (noun) and to telephone. This is known as conversion. Some linguists consider that when a word's syntactic category is changed without any change of form, a null morpheme is being affixed.
7. Borrowing
Borrowing is just taking a word from another language. The borrowed words are called loan words. A loanword (or loan word) is a word directly taken into one language from another with little or no translation. By contrast, a calque or loan translation is a related concept whereby it is the meaning or idiom that is borrowed rather than the lexical item itself. The word loanword is itself a calque of the German Lehnwort. Loanwords can also be called "borrowings".
7.1. Loanwords in English
English has many loanwords. In 1973, a computerized survey of about 80,000 words in the old Shorter Oxford Dictionary (3rd edition) was published in Ordered Profusion by Thomas Finkenstaedt and Dieter Wolff. Their estimates for the origin of English words were as follows:
However, if the frequency of use of words is considered, words from Old and Middle English occupy the vast majority.
Examples:
Biology, boxer ,ozone from German
Jacket,yoghurt,kiosh from Turkish
Pistl,robot from Czech

8. Coinage

Coinage is the invention of totally new words. The typical process of coinage usually involves the extension of a product name from a specific reference to a more general one. For example, think of Kleenex, Xerox, and Kodak. These started as names of specific products, but now they are used as the generic names for different brands of these types of products.

9. Compounding

A compound is a lexeme (a word) that consists of more than one other lexeme. An endocentric compound consists of a head, i.e. the categorical part that contains the basic meaning of the whole compound, and modifiers, which restrict this meaning. For example, the English compound doghouse, where house is the head and dog is the modifier, is understood as a house intended for a dog. Endocentric compounds tend to be of the same part of speech (word class) as their head, as in the case of doghouse. (Such compounds were called karmadharaya in the Sanskrit tradition.)
Exocentric compounds do not have a head, and their meaning often cannot be transparently guessed from its constituent parts. For example, the English compound white-collar is neither a kind of collar nor a white thing. In an exocentric compound, the word class is determined lexically, disregarding the class of the constituents. For example, a must-have is not a verb but a noun. English language allows several types of combinations of different word classes:
N + N lipstick , teapot
A + N fast food , soft drink
V + N breakfast , sky-dive
N + V sunshine , babysit
N + A capital-intensive , waterproof
A + A deaf-mute , bitter-sweet
Like derivational rules, compounding rules may differ in productivity. In English, the N + N rule/pattern is extremely productive, so that novel compounds are created all he time and are hardy noticed. By contrast, the V + N rule/pattern is unproductive and limited to a few lexically listed items. Apart from endocentric and exocentric compounds there is another type of compound which requires an interpretation different from the ones introduced so far. Consider the hyphenated words in the examples below:
 a. singer-songwriter
scientist-explorer
poet-translator
hero-martyr
b. the doctor-patient gap
the nature-nurture debate
a modifier-head structure
the mind-body problem
Both sets of words are characterized by the fact that none of the two members of the compound seems in any sense more important than the other. They could be said to have two semantic heads, none of them being subordinate to the other. Given that no member is semantically prominent, but both members equally contribute to the meaning of the compound, these compounds have been labeled copulative compounds (or dvandva compounds in Sanskrit grammarian terms).
Why are the copulative compounds in (a & b) divided into two different sets (a) and (b)? The idea behind this differentiation is that copulatives fall into two classes, depending on their interpretation. Each form in (a) refers to one entity that is characterized by both members of the compound. A poet-translator, for example, is a person who is both as a poet and a translator. This type of copulative compound is sometimes called appositional compound. By contrast, the dvandvas in (b) denote two entities that stand in a particular relationship with regard to the following noun. The particular type of relationship is determined by the following noun. The doctor-patient gap is thus a gap between doctor and patient, the nature-nurture debate is a debate on the relationship between nature and nurture, and so on. This second type of copulative compound is also known as coordinative compound. If the noun following the compound allows both readings, the compound is in principle ambiguous. Thus a scientist-philosopher crew could be a crew made up of scientist-philosophers, or a crew made up of scientists and philosophers. It is often stated that dvandva compounds are not very common in English (e.g. Bauer 1983:203), but in a more recent study by Olson (2001) hundreds of attested forms are listed, which shows that such compounds are far from marginal.
The above mentioned word formation processes are the most frequent or important in the English language, but it is rarely the case that only one process occurs in one word. Words can be loaned and then back formed, later on gaining an affix. There are practically no boundaries to those processes other that human ingenuity.

10. Conclusion

In this paper different word formation processes were explained including derivation, compounding, blending, clipping, acronymy, backformation and conversion, and also different categories of each were explained.
References
Haspelmath, M. (2003). Morphology. London: MacMillan Press LTD.
Plag, I. (2003). Word-Formation in English. UK: Cambridge University Press.Hans
Katamba, F. (2005). English words. London: Ruotledge.
Bloomfield, L. (1962). Language . London: Oxford press.

from http://www.translationdirectory.com/articles/article1991.php

Word formation process

By Alireza Sadeghi Ghadi,
MA student of Fars Science and Research University
asalireza1 [at] yahoo . com



Abstract
Alireza Sadeghi Ghadi photoNowadays, the terms ‘word formation’ does not have a clear cut, universally accepted usage. It is sometimes referred to all processes connected with changing the form of the word by, for example, affixation, which is a matter of morphology. In its wider sense word formation denotes the processes of creation of new lexical units. Although it seems that the difference between morphological change of a word and creation of a new term is quite easy to perceive, there is sometimes a dispute as to whether blending is still a morphological change or making a new word. There are, of course, numerous word formation processes that do not arouse any controversies and are very similar in the majority of languages. One of the distinctive properties of human language is creativity, by which we mean the ability of native speakers of a language to produce and understand new forms in their language. Even though creativity is most apparent when it comes to sentence formation, it is also manifest in our lexical knowledge, where new words are added to our mental lexicon regularly. In this paper the most comprehensive expositions of word formation processes that speakers of a language use regularly (and unconsciously too) to create new words in their language are presented.

Compounding

Noun+Noun
The most common type of word formation is the combination of two (or more) nouns in order to form a resulting noun:
Noun + Noun = Noun
Examples: landmine, wallpaper, toothbrush
The first of the two compounds may be descriptive (i.e. tablecloth, a cloth with which to clean [or cloth] tables), or both compounds may create a whole new meaning altogether (i.e railroad, which is not a "road" in the typical sense of the word.) It is also possible to form words whose components are equally important to or descriptive of its meaning, for example, a washer-dryer refers to an object combining two functions.
There are, of course, many more different ways how compound nouns can be related to each other and how their new meanings can best be explained grammatically. In most cases, however, the nature of these compounds is self-explanantory, and their meanings are quite comprehensible even for those who encounter them for the first time.
Note that compound nouns usually appear as two separate words, only those more commonly used, those found in every-day language, and usually compounds with no more than three syllables are found as one word. Hyphens (-) between the segments of a compound noun are absolutely exceptional. Examples:
windowsill (the sill attached under a window), shopwindow (a shop's window), doorkey (a key for the door), bookpage (a page in a book), silverspoon (a spoon made of silver), waterpipe (a pipe that carries water), dockyard (a yard for docks), fireman (somebody who fights fire), wallpaper ("paper" one glues to walls), Independence Day (anniversary of the Declaration of Independence), office supply (goods for office use), water shortage (shortage of water), labour riot (employees rioting), television set (a set for watching television), headache (an aching head), snowfall (snow falling), answerphone (a phone that answers), air-conditioner (a machine conditioning air), gunfight (a fight carried out with guns)
Verb+Noun
Here verbs describe what is done with an object or what a subject "does", in short, a new noun is formed, usually referring to something concrete, and the verb defines the action related to it:
Verb + Noun = Noun: draw + bridge = drawbridge.
A drawbridge is a bridge that can be inclined in order to allow ships to pass, or "drawn". Here, the noun is the direct object.
hitman = a man who carries out "dirty jobs", or, who "hits". Here, the word as part of speech is the subject.
Besides that, both segments can be related in other ways, i.e. the noun may stand for a adverb of place: walkway = people walk on the walkway.
The usual rules apply to spelling. More examples:
walkway (a way to walk on), divecenter (a place where one goes diving), runway (a strip of flat land where aircraft start or land ["run"]), filter-paper (paper used for filtering liquids or gases), driveway (a road leading to a garage or a building), payday (the day one receives his or her salary), paycheck (a check used for the payment of wages or salaries),
Noun+Adjective
Nouns and adjectives can also be compounded in the opposite order:
Noun + Adjective = Adjective
Camera + shy = camera-shy (Shy in respect of appearing or speaking before cameras).
In this case, the resultant is an adjective, while the noun explaines the objective.
Another possibility is that the noun supports the adjective, i.e. as an intensifier:
dirt-cheap = cheap as dirt; paper-thin = thin as paper
Those rules do also apply to the linking of nouns and participial adjectives:
English-speaking; soul-destroying; frost-bitten
More common and shorter compounds appear as one word whereas those longer and less common are linked by a hyphen. More examples of all subtypes:
waterproof (proof or resistant against water), seaworthy (a ship withstanding the dangers of the sea), airworthy (an aircraft safely flyable), blameworthy (a person deserving blame), bookworthy (something worth being published), trustworthy (somebody who can be trusted), jet black (deep black), footsore (having a sore foot), heart-sick (a person suffering from heart disease), seasick (being sick from the effects of a stormy sea), home-made (made privately at home), power-mad (mad about or craving power), colour-blind (unable to discriminate colours other than black and white and grey),
Other Compounds
There are various other types of compounds. A selection of which is shown below.
Adjective+Adjective
bitter-sweet, deaf-mute, aural-oral, Anglo-Saxon
Adjective + Participle
far-reaching, far fetched, narrow-minded, single-minded, high-climbing, low-yielding, red-painted, bare-handed

Prefixes

In contrast to compounding, affixation links so-called prefixes and suffixes, which are not independent words, to words of all types. The type of affix determines the effect the affixation will have on the word. Here, we discuss supportive and opposing prefixes. They are used to express support for or disapproval of whatever is expressed by the word they're attached to.
Supportive and opposing Prefixes (Prefixes of attitude)
pro = on the side of, supporting: pro-choice, pro-life, pro-market, pro-libertarian; added to: nouns, adjectives of denomination.
anti = against, counteracting: anti-missile, anti-social, antibody, anti-abortion, anti-regulatory; = antagonistic: anti-hero, antichrist; added to: nouns, adverbs, denominal adjectives.
counter = in opposition to: to counteract, counter-revolution, counter-example, counter-espionage, counter-productive; added to: verbs, abstract nouns, adjectives.
contra = contrasting, against: contraception, contraindicate, contraflow, contradistinction; added to: abstract nouns, verbs.
Negative Prefixes
A rough outline of negative prefixes and their usage is given below.
a = not, lacking in, not affected by, devoid of quality: atheist, amoral (not subject to moral standards), asymmetry, apolitical, asexual; added to: adjectives, nouns.
dis = not, absolute opposite of what is meant by the second element: disloyal, distrust, disagree, dislike, disfavour, disadvantage; added to: adjectives, abstract nouns, verbs.
un = not, the opposite of; before words of french origin: in-, il-(before l), im-(before p), ir-(before r). Note: These are the most commonly used prefixes of negation. Examples: unfair, unassuming, unexpected, unproductive, insane, injustice, intolerance, impatience, imperfect, irregular, illegal, incapable, illogical, improper, irrelevant; added to: adjectives, participles (only un-).
non = not, not regarded as: non-stop, non-interference, non-aggression, non-smoker, non-drip (paint), non-person, non-event; added to: varios types of words and expressions, mainly nouns and verbs.
Prefixes of Place (Locative Prefixes)
Locative prefixes determine the place, or relative place, or (relative) direction, of action or objects. Also, abstract nouns and processes or relations are determined in terms of locality. Perhaps a look at the following will provide a clear picture:
ante = before (locally): antechamber, anteroom; added to: nouns.
circum = around: circumnavigate, circumlocution, circumcision; added to: verbs, nouns.
extra = outside, beyond: extramarital, extracurricular, extrasensory, extra-pay; added to: adjectivs, nouns.
fore = in front, front part of: forefinger, foreskin, forecourt, forehead; added to: nouns.
in = inside, into: also il-, im-, ir- ingathering, indoors, in-patient (not impatient); added to: participles, nouns.
inter = between, in between: interracial, international, interdisciplinary, interrace; added to: adjectives, nouns.
intra = inside: intramural, intra-uterine, intravenous; added to: adjectives.
supra = above: supranational, supramundane; added to: adjectives.
sur = above: surtax, surcharge, surtitle; nouns, verbs.
tele = at a distance: telecommunication, television; added to: nouns, verbs.
trans = across: transatlantic, transnational, transsexual; added to: adjectives, geographical names.
ultra = beyond, excessively, extremely: ultra-violet, ultra-sonic, ultra-modest, ultra-thin, ultra-modern, ultra-orthodox; added to: adjectives.
under = below: underground, undercarriage, underclothes; added to: nouns; = too little; undercharge, underpay, undercook, undervalue: added to: verbs; = subordinate: under-secretary, underclass, underling; added to: nouns.
Additional locative prefixes: Prepositions determining direction, both locatively and figuratively applied: to bypass, to upgrade, to downsize, to undergo, to oversee.
Prefixes of Size, Degree and Status
These prefixes determine mostly nouns, and are self-explanatory to a large extent:
arch = highest, worst, chief: archbishop, arch-rival, archangel, archduke, arch-enemy; added to: nouns.
macro = large: macrocosm, macro-economics; added to: nouns.
micro = small: microtransmitter, micro-computer, microsurgery, micro-economics; added to: nouns.
mega = very large: megastar, megastore; added to: nouns.
mini = small: miniseries, minibreak, minicab, miniskirt; added to: nouns
Prefixes of Time and Order
These prefixes determine time and order, their meanings and usage are given below.
ante = before: antenatal, antedate; added to: adjectives.
ex = former: ex-wife, ex-president; human nouns.
fore = before: to foresee, to foretell, foregone; added to: verbs, participles, nouns.
mid = middle: mid-afternoon, midwinter, midnight; added to: nouns denoting points or periods of time.
neo = new, recent form of, revived: neo-colonialism, neo-conservative, neo-fascist; added to: abstract nouns, adjectives.
post = after: post-war, post-modernism, post-structuralist; added to: nouns denoting time, abstract nouns, adjectives denoting periods of time.
pre = before, pre-arranged before the time/period of: prepay, pre-existing, predate, preview, preschool, pre-war, pre-marital; added to: nouns, adjectives.
Prefixes of Number
Numeral prefixes the amount, quantity, or scope.
mono = single, one: monotheism, monorail, monoplane, monotonous; added to: nouns, adjectives.
uni = one: unidirectional, unidimensional, unilateral; added to: adjectives, nouns.
poly = many: polysyllabic, polytheism, polygraph; added to: adjectives, nouns.
multi = many: multi-faith, multinational, multimillionaire, multi-racial; added to: nouns, adjectives.
semi = half, partly: semicircle, semi-automatic, semi-conscious, semi-official; added to: nouns, adjectives.
demi = half, partly: demisemiquaver, demigod; added to:nouns in most cases.
Class-changing and converting Prefixes
The prefixes a-, be-, en- and em- have the primary effect to change the class (or type) of words, or, to convert.
a = added to verbs in order to form predicative adjectives (no synonymical explaination possible): afloat (A ships that's floating is afloat), aloft (An aircraft airborne is aloft).
be = added to nouns in order to form transitive verbs: to besiege (To surround to force into surrender), to beguile (To charm), to bewitch (To put a magic spell on); = added to adjectives in order to form transitive verbs: to becalm (To calm or to make calm), to belittle (To make something or somebody seem unimportant or of lesser value), to befoul (To make foul or dirty; to contaminate); = added to verbs in order to form transitive verbs, and, at the same time, as an intensifying force for verbs: to bedazzle (To bring someone into dazzlement), to becry (To bitterly cry about), to besmear (To make dirty), to bewail (To mourn, or express sorrow over), to bespatter (To cover with spots of dirt), to bespeak (To give evidence of); = added to nouns in order to form participial adjectives: bespectacled (Wearing spectacles), beribboned (Wearing ribbons), bewigged (Wearing a wig), besotted (Hopelessly in love with sb., but only in reference to men [women are infatuated]).
Recent Coinages of prefixed words
Here is a both complementary and concluding selection of current word formations, clarifying the importance of word formations in today's English:
anti-choice, bicultural, co-presenter, counter-culture, deselect, difunctional, disinvest, eco-tourism, Eurosceptic, ex-directory, gigabyte, hypertext, interface, intra-uterine, macrobiotic, maxiseries, megastar, microsurgery, minibreak, multimedia, neo-colonialism, non-proliferation, pan-African, paramedic, postmodernism, preschooler, proactive, reflag, retrofire, supergun, ungreen, unisex, up-market
Note that the usual rule of hyphenizing formations of more than three syllables is not followed in every case; the respective formation has already become received standard, constituting an independant word.

Suffixes

Verb Suffixes
Here, suffixes, which fulfill the function of forming verbs from other word classes, are defined and explained.
-ify = to make, to cause: to simplify, to beautify, to classify, to personify, to countrify, to ladify, to prettify, to Frenchify; added to: nouns (i.e. beauty) and adjectives (i.e. pretty) in order to form (mainly) transitive verbs.
-ize = also -ise = to make, to treat in the way of: to scandalize, to civilize, to organize, to circularize, to mesmerize, to Americanize, to familiarize, to legalize, to nationalize, to soberize, to patronize, to materialize, to popularize, to prioritize, to privatize; added to: adjectives and nouns of romanic origin, but also proper names in order to form mainly transitive verbs. Note that to apologize, to botanize, to sympathize are not word formations in that respect, because the remaining stem wouldn't be an independent English word if "-ize" were taken away.
Adjective Suffixes
-able (also -ible on words of Latin or French origin) - words ending -able have to meaning "that can or deserves to be -ed" (in which "-ed" stands for any past participle); or, "that is able to do this"; or, “that can be done with it”: breakable, eatable, exchangeable, pitiable, readable, reliable, available, objectionable, treasonable, knowledgeable, agreeable, forgettable, unthinkable, intelligible, responsible, audible; added to: chiefly verbs of action. Note that certain combinations like demonstrable (to demonstrate), separable (to separate) or any one based on verbs ending -ate, retain only the stem of the base verb instead of the whole verb. Verbs ending -y change into -i; that, however, does not affect the choice of -able vs. -ible, which is solely determined by the verb's origin. Please beware that these forms are often used with negative prefixes: unthinkable. Also, it is possible to make a noun out of such adjectiv: The reliable (What can be relied on).
-al (also -ial) - meaning "of the nature of", "belonging to": natural, occasional, educational, coastal, tidal, accidental, managerial, musical, criminal, editorial, provisional, continental; added to: nouns in order to form primarily non-comparable adjectives. Note: continual, corporal, individual, royal etc. are not word formations in the English sense; however, they resemble the principles explained above.
-an (also -ian) - meaning "in the tradition of", "coming from", "of the nature of": African, Indian, Elizabethan, Victorian, republican; added to: chiefly proper names, geographical names, well-know personal names (Persons defining eras, ideas, or ideologies).
-less = devoid of: careless, harmless, restless, borderless, merciless; added to: nouns (antonym of -ful).
-like = of the nature of, behaving like: childlike, gentlemanlike, godlike; added to: nouns.
-ly = of the nature of, periodic recurrence: cowardly, kingly, earthly, monthly, daily; added to: nouns, denotions of time. This is not to be confused with the formation of adverbs, which happens when -ly is added to an adjective.
-some = productive of: burdensome, fearsome, quarrelsome, troublesome, tiresome, lonesome; added to: nouns,verbs,adjectives. It is highly advisable to consult a dictionary before forming your own combinations.
-ward = in the direction of: upward, eastward, onward, heavenward, homeward, landward, backward, forward (as from fore); added to: locative adverbs.
-y = of the nature of: funny, rusty, smelly, sleepy, choosy, bony, nervy, headachy, second-classy, catchy, sticky fishy, flimsy (derobitary: fishy character); added to: every concrete noun, some verbs.
Suffixes of concrete nouns
Noun suffixes will form nouns from every type of word.
-ant (as well as -ent) = who / that carries out, agentive and instrumental: informant, claimant, solvent, inhabitant, disinfectant, servant; added to: verbs. Consult your dictionary when in doubt.
-er = also -or in words of latin origin: server, dreamer, cleaner, recorder; added to: verbs. Consult your dictionary when in doubt. These often denote person following their profession: baker, bookseller; = device or object fulfilling the task of: container, locker, boiler, mower; added to: verbs. = object, agency or means performing the task of: fixer-upper, do-gooder; added to: verbal phrases (verb+adverb); = denotion of origin of persons: Southerner, Londoner; added to: geographical names.
-ing = agentive: the working (a definite article is mandatory); added to: verbs; = activity: swimming, gardening, manufacturing; added to: verbs; = result: building, clothing, painting; added to: verbs. The result is either a gerund or a participle, according to the context.
-ee = passive, affected by: employee, interviewee, teachee, trustee, evacuee; added to: verbs. The resulting noun must denote a person.
Adverb Suffixes
Adverb suffixes are, like most of the other ones, class-changing. Note that some adjectives (like friendly) cannot be converted into an adverb; when needed to be applied as such, an inserted paraphrase is neccesary.
-ly = in that way. -ly is the standard way to form adjectives: easy - easily; important - importantly; and so on. -ly is added to: adjectives not ending -ly, phrases (matter-of-factly, full-heartedly, cold-bloodedly). It is also added to some neologisms: transbroomstickally. As for the aforesaid: friendly - in a friendly manner (this applies to all adjectives ending -ly).
-wise = in terms of ..., as far as ... is/are concerned: clockwise, notewise, moneywise; added to: nouns.
- ways = in the manner of: sideways, lengthways; added to: nouns.
Recent Coinages (Suffixes)
Below is a selection of current word formation using suffixes:
microwaveable, actional, gentrification, yuppiedom, finger-dried, faxee, leaderene, bagger, bimbette, additive-free, kissogram, wrinklie, gentrigy, networking, wimpish, ableism, survivalist, recyclability, confrontive, privatize, ecomanie, user-friendliness, returnik, retrophilia

Conversion

Conversion is the process or shifting a word into a different word class without adding an affix (that would usually be called "derivation"). Next, we'll discuss how to form nouns denoting actions out of actional verbs.
Verbs of action into nouns
The rule: a verb becomes a noun: to swim -> a swim. Spelling does not change, neither is anything added.
The verb giving rise to this word formation must denote an action: to swim, to walk, to run, to read.
The resulting noun denotes a single action, a specific instance ("I had a good read"), instead of the action or activity as such: "I like running" would be correct, if the activity as such were to be considered. There are, however, some exceptions (work = working as such).
Examples:
to go for a walk, a long run, in the long run (long-term), a good stay, work (denoting the act of working as such), dislike, doubt, to be in the know (to know; only such use), laugh, offer, bore (person or thing that bores), rebel, sneak, drink (what someone drinks), find, reject, cure, polish, wrap, dump (where something is dumped), haunt, stop
Concrete Nouns into Verbs
Here, I'll demonstrate a widely used possibility to employ verbal expressions instead of nominal ones. Concrete nouns, usually denoting things, are converted into verbs meaning something related to the noun, as an action. This definition might sound abstract and weird, but the following examples will make the point clear:
The company´s headquarters really dwarf the other buildings (to dwarf st. = to make st. look small in comparison). Many drivers regularly floor the pedal when driving this road (to floor the pedal = to press it so that it reaches the floor of a car). The satellite failed to deorbit (to deorbit = to leave its path round the earth and return). It is necessary to balance one´s accounts (to balance = to arrange something [i.e. an account] so that things (expenditures/deposits) are in balance).
Other examples: to Xerox (to copy), to fax, to phone, to screen, to water, to fan, to litter, to bridge, to link, to cap, to bottle, to ID.
All of the resulting verbs are transitive.
Adjectives into Verbs
It is also possible, to form verbs from adjectives without altering the word:
The rule: an adjective becomes a verb: faint - to faint (to become faint), idle - to idle (to become idle), slim - to slim (to become slim), calm - to calm (to make calm), clean - to clean (to make clean), smooth - to smooth (to make smooth).
Applications: They consulted a shrink to smooth things out. While suffering for more than two years, he gradually slimmed.
Note that participial adjectives (coloured, broken) may not be converted into verbs in this manner. Rather, you´ll need to reconvert these participles into verbs: to colour, to break.
Remember that some adjectives change their form in order to become verbs: low - to lower, wide - to widen, weak - to weaken, strong - to strengthen, broad - to broaden, smart - to smarten, easy - to ease.
Other Wordclasses
There are still some other ways to change word classes without changing spelling, adding or removing parts:
Adverb into Verb: They tried to out him.
Auxiliary into Noun: That course is a must for someone like you.
Conjunctions into Nouns: Don't give me any ifs or buts.
Adverbs/Prepositions into Nouns: I haven't yet learned the ins and outs of the business.
Verb plus Adverb into Noun: I don't have the know-how.
Participles/Adverbs into Adjectives: The meeting had quite an up-cheering effect on the trustees. The theory is that humans, who are after all only jumped-up animals, ...
Conversions into nouns based on various word classes, especially on sentences and subordinate-clauses: Some local have-nots complained about being associated with do-no-gooders. The goings-on in the country made the president-to-be rethink his taking-care-of-business-approach. An auxiliary army of notorious do-gooders milled about town, pretending to provide help-to-help-oneself to the not-so-well-off, or, as they called them, the less-fortunate. The dowdy and apologetic I'm-a-servant-of-the-proletariat look has gone for good.

Other Word Formations

Concluding, here is an offer of complementary word formations that cannot sensibly be grouped within the context of the previous sections.
Back-formation
Back-formation is the process of deriving words by dropping what is thought to be a suffix or (occasionally) a prefix. It applies chiefly to the coining of verbs from nouns.
Examples: abled (disabled), to explete (expletive), to enthuse (enthusiasm), to liase (liason); to burgle (burglary), to edit (edition, editor), to peddle (peddler), to scavange (scavanger), to sculpt (sculptor, sculpture), to swindle (swindler, the swindle); to air-condition (air-conditioning), to baby-sit (baby-sitter), to brainstorm (brainstorming), to brainwash (brainwashing), to browbeat (browbeating), to dry-clean (dry-cleaner), to house-hunt (house hunter), to sightsee (sightseeing), to tape-record (tape-recorder); to articulate (articulate (a), articulation), to assassinate (assassination), to coeducate (co-education), to demarcate (demarcation), to emote (emotion), to intuit (intuition), to legislate (legislation), to marinate (marination), to orate (orination), to vaccinate (vaccination), to vacation (vacation), to valuate (valuation); to diagnose (diagnosis), to laze (lazy), to reminisce (reminiscene), to statistic (statistics), to televise (television).
Clipping
Clipping is a shortening of a word by the omission of one or more syllables.
Examples: bike (bicycle), decaf (decaffeinated coffee), fan (fanatic), exam (examination), phone (telephone), fax (facsimile), fridge (refridgerator), hyper (hyperactive), intercom (intercommunication system), lab (laboratory), medic (medical student/doctor), memo (memorandum), mike (microphone), movie (moving picture), photo (photograph), pub (public house), zoo (zoological gardens), maths (mathematics).
Acronyms
Acronyms are another abreviatory device. The usually resulting word class is that of a noun: ECU (European Currency Unit), scuba (self-contained underwater breathing apparatus), email (electronic mail).
Blends
Blends are also used for abreviatory purposes. Here, two or more complementing components constitute the basis for the resultant. These components are omitted of one or more syllables before compounded to the blend.
Examples: bit binary+digit, camcorder camera+recorder, contraception contrasting+conception, geep goat+sheep, glitterati glitter+literaty, modem modular+demodulator, motel motor+hotel, smog smoke+fog, transistor transfer+resistor.
Miscellaneous
Onomatopoeia - words felt to be suggestive of the sounds they refer to: bubble, burp, clatter, hiss, mutter, splash.
Words form proper names: bowdlerize, boycott, breille, caesarean,lynch,pasteurize, platonic, sadist, sandwich.
Movement-depictive: to sliver, to scamper, to skedaddle.

from http://www.translationdirectory.com/article37.htm 

from http://www.translationdirectory.com/article37.htm